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Quechua planners used resources and knowledge of
ancestral cultures. That way they could improve the use of their
geography in order to establish a system of human settlements, to create
a road network and to improve communications, lodging and supplying
substructures (a broad and complete study about this subject was done by
Santiago Agurto from which some of this information was taken). It is
obvious that Inkan City Planning depended on some elementary aspects,
among which we can mention their deep pantheist religion that considered
in a very special way their environment: the Pachamama (Mother Earth),
the Apus and Aukis ( Mountains' and Valleys' Spirits), the Wakas
(Temples) framed in Ceques (imaginary lines with Waka successions). City
Planning was also consequence of their broad pragmatism and the economic
sense that an urban center represented. The Inkas, being a farming
society had to reserve the best lands for their main activity without
wasting them for temples or villages that were built in rustic terrains.
Even inside the towns, the streets were always narrow to take a maximum
advantage of the land. City Planning was also determined by some other
order and authority elements, with their aforementioned principles of Bi,
Tri and Fourth partition, Symmetry, Opposition, Repetition and
Subordination. Two parts are found in the urban design of Inkan Qosqo
City, Hanan Qosqo and Urin Qosqo (upper and lower Qosqo); four sectors
corresponding to the four nations of the Tawantinsuyo; twelve
neighborhoods resulting from dividing each sector in three; and the
subdivision of each neighborhood in three sub-ones, Collana, Payan and
Cayao. Hanan was more important than Urin; while that Chinchaysuyo
opposed Collasuyo and Contisuyo to Antisuyo. City Planning had an
integrating position too, thus it normally tried to be integrated with
nature. That is the reason why the Inkan Society is classified as
eminently ecologist. Commonly, inside an urban core its central part was
occupied by temples and palaces, while that the peripheries by
settlements in a decreasing way considering their importance.
The road network in pre-Hispanic Peru was really impressive for its age.
It caused wonder among the first Europeans who visited the Tawantinsuyo
and did not hesitate comparing it with that developed by Romans that
were the only ones having something of such magnitude in the Old World.
The road network had to allow a fast intercommunication between Qosqo
and the entire Tawantinsuyo and vice versa. It was intended to get
territorial integration, after giving security, relax and supplies for
travelers, official suites or the army. It was supposed to allow an
efficient production, gathering and redistribution of goods and raise
tributary resources. Roads and paths had different categories, functions
and characteristics according to their duties and the territory where
they were located. In the coast they were just dusty ones but on a level
higher than natural soil. Crossing the deserts there were pegs and even
ropes to make their limits. In rainy and humid regions they were totally
paved with cobbles or flagstones. All roads were always planned to give
comfort to walking travelers. There was a road hierarchy with two
important categories: the first category formed by the Inkañan (Inka
Road) or royal roads that were, for example, the ones that united Qosqo
and the four "Suyos", roads known as Qhapaq Ñan: principal or rich road.
In this same category were the Hatun Ñan: big or broad road; they
constituted the primary road network that had between 10 to 25 thousand
Kms. (6200 to 15500 miles), with a width from 4 to 8 meters (13 to 26 ft).
The second category was formed by the Runañan (peoples' road) or roads
for common people; they served for communications between villages and
districts. The road system went over the Tawantinsuyo longitudinal and
transversely; all together it reached some 40,000 Kms. (some 25000
miles). This system was constantly supervised by officials following
different hierarchies as the Qhapaq Ñan Tukuyrikuq, the Hatun Ñan
Qamayoq or simply the Ñan Qamayoq.
Something very impressive were also the Bridges (Chaka) under the charge
of the Chaka Qamayoq. Bridges that had to serve crossing rivers and had
to be adapted to the site's topography, distance and materials
availability. According to their construction procedure bridges can be
grouped in:
a.- Trunks and Logs Bridges. They were a favorite type when bridges were
small;
b.- Stone Bridges. Formed by slabs and they existed of two sorts: those
of just one window, and those that presented many windows or spaces to
let water flow;
c.- Huaros, Uruyas or Oroyas, Tarabitas (in Ecuador). They were
something like cable cars consisting in a very thick hemp rope woven in
"chawar" fibers. The hemp rope was tied to thick trees or boulders, by
which an osier basket having a thick wooden handle and transporting
persons and goods was slid with the help of some other ropes;
d.- Suspension Bridges. Constructed with thick hemp ropes and cords
braided with "Ichu" the local wild bunch grass or fibers of "Pakpa" or
Century Plants (Agave americana). Sometimes they were reinforced with
leathers of South-American cameloids and tied to stone supports in both
banks of the river forming a narrow but strong passage. The bridges of
this type were known as " Simp'achaka" or "braided bridge". Today, the
most eloquent example of this sort of bridge is that found in
Qheswachaka over the Apurimac River.
e.- Floating Bridges. Used to cross calm or detained waters and made
with different vegetal fibers. It is famous the bridge of this sort that
existed in Inkan times over the Desaguadero River (Titicaca Lake) made
with braided totora reeds that seemed to be a platform over which a
large amount of reeds were sewn to the hemp ropes.
A complete system of different services was found over the vast Inkan
road network. It was planned in order to allow integration, safety,
supplies and relaxation. A part of this system were the Chaski,
something like a post crew formed by athletic young relay runners
prepared to cover quickly the distance between two Chaskiwasi (chaski's
house) that had an average of 2.5 Kms. (1.55 miles). Their aim was to
carry messages that could be oral or goods with ideo-graphic meanings
such as the Qhipu (Inkan accounting system consisting in multicolored
knotted strings), textiles with Tokapus (different symbols framed by
squares), some other elements engraved or painted, etc. Moreover, the
Chaskis had to carry some other important objects for the Inka and
certain noblemen: it is traditionally known that the Inka in Qosqo used
to eat fresh fish brought from the coast through this system. This
service was uninterrupted all day long, besides being sufficiently
quick. These young runners transmitting or passing messages could go
over from 15 to 20 kms/hour (from 9.5 to 12.5 miles/h), thence from 360
to 480 Kms. per day (from 224 to 298 miles per day).
Another element found on the roads involving services were the Tanpu or
Tambo in its Spanish form. They were important villages, economic axles
having huge lodges with capacity to serve opportune and efficiently even
dozens of thousands of people, with enormous storehouses containing,
food, clothing, weapons and tools. They had an economic and social rule,
and public officials under direct control of Qosqo. They possessed all
the facilities that were found in the cities too, such as communication
posts, temples, astral observatories, etc., and occupied strategic spots
in order to offer timely comfort for the traveling masses. They were
normally located between distances of one walking day, that is, between
40 to 50 kms. (25 to 31 miles). It is obvious that there were different
Tambo categories; the less important ones offering only lodge were found
every half walking day, between 20 to 25 kms. (12.5 to 15.5 miles).
Departing from Qosqo through the 7 most important roads (after a half
walking day) following the sense of the clock hands were (clockwise and
beginning on the north) P'isaq, Quispikanchi or Pikillaqta, Yaurisque,
Wanoquite, Jakijawana or Zurite, Chinchero and Calca; after one walking
day following the same direction were more important Tambos such as
Paucartambo, Urkostambo, Pakariqtambo, Tambobamba, Limatambo,
Ollantaytambo and Amparaes.
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